Violence of mass Media Essay Example for Free

Violence of mass Media Essay The research involves the study of possible relationships between violence and mass media. In the study, a sample frame was obtained in order to be tested utilizing four different tests, which validates and determines possible relationships between violence and media, media preferences and age violent behavior occurrence, empathy and gender variations, and time commitment against violence. The research results obtained show increasingly violent behavior among males than females. The commitment time of males manifesting violent behavior is higher as compared to females. Moreover, the preferences of these respondents that manifest such behavioral pattern are noted to generally prefer violent media forms, most prominently, television and movie showing violent acts. Violence of Mass Media: Introductory (MINI ESSAY) Most of the public concern and scientific study of the perceived violent reality of media centers around the effects of viewing televised violence. The effect that many think of first is modeling, when people imitate violent behavior that they see on television. The research on the different effects has been driven by diverse theoretical frameworks for example, studies of behavioral effects have most often been driven by social learning/cognitive theory, and studies of attitudinal effects often draw on behavioral imitation (Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 227). The following section examines several different effects of media violence in turn and the evidence supporting each of them. Technological advances have dramatically increased the availability of violent entertainment. The introduction of television was critical, particularly in making violent entertainment more available to children. More recently, cable systems, videocassette recorders, and video games have increased exposure (Singer and Singer, 2001 p. 372). (Preiss, 2007 p. 153). The research approaches the study of media violence in this study by looking at the various effects of the violent view of the world presented in media. This study of the perceived reality of media violence focuses on the psychological processes involved and the weight of the evidence supporting the existence of those effects (Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 229). Later in the study, the research looks at individual differences among those who are attracted to or repelled by media violence and longitudinal studies probing for long-term effects. Next, the study will look at one of the newest areas of concern, violent video games. Finally, the study addresses the question of what may be done to provide balance to this violent perceived reality and thus mitigate the negative effects of media violence. Violence of Mass Media Introduction Although humans have used violence in cautionary tales to teach the lessons of morality in almost every culture and historical era, the teaching has usually been closely tied to the tale. Active discussion of the moral points seems to be necessary for the lesson to â€Å"take. † Thus, many adults and children who watch cautionary violence television programs by themselves may fail to make the desired moral connection. Instead, they learn the lesson of ‘Instrumentality,† the lesson that violence can be used as an effective instrument to get something of value or to compel others to do one’s bidding (Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 231). Perhaps literature has always been bloody, hut even the fastest and most dedicated reader cannot make it through a printed description of more than a few murders a day by reading Shakespeare, Mickey Spillane, and Norman Mailer. A look at 4 hours of prime-time television, or a couple of rental videotape movies can easily provide several times as many deaths, maiming, rapes, and beatings as could be encountered in the same amount of time spent reading periodicals and books. The amount of violence is not the only factor of importance in the impact of television and movie experience. These moving image media, with their close depictions of what individuals can see and hear, are much more engaging of our sensory attention than is the reading of abstract symbols on paper, which must be translated and reconstructed into an approximation of sensory experience. What the study must now examine is whether the large volume and sensory increase of 20th-Century media violence, especially movies and television, has actually caused people to do more violence than they otherwise may have done. Methodology Sample Frame The sample frame utilized in the study involves 150 respondents from elementary schools as well as daycare centers within the locale of midstream city. Based on the inclusion criteria, the elementary schools recruited possess a private orientation, with religious inclination to Catholicism as the basic moral ground, while the daycare center should be networked with private school. As with the gender division of the sample size, 82 boys and 68 girls from grades 4 and 5, with an average age of 9. 99 (s. d. =0. 74). In terms of the racial criteria of the samples involved, European American comprises 58% while African American is 24%, providing the picture of the community. Data Gathering Procedure In the data gathering procedures, the study utilized a form of four different questionnaires with order counterbalanced. The following details inquired through the questionnaires are the demographic information, which includes gender, age, grade and mother’s education, preferences on forms of media utilization, survey forms of real-life violence through Attitudes Towards Violence Scale: Child Version (ATVC), appraisal of the respondents’ characters towards violence through KID-screen for adolescent violence exposure (KID-SAVE); and lastly, the extent of the sample’s empathy through Children’s empathy questionnaire (CEQ). After which, the researchers obtain the favorite form categorization for television as to sports, fighting, destruction, real people, or no favorites. On the form of internet, the respondents are categorized according to their preferences, such as chat room, instant messages, video games, no favorite internet activities and no access to internet. Review of Related Literature Moat American families bought their first television set during the early to mid-1950s. As more and more homes had television sets and more and more people began to watch on a regular basis, scholars began to study this new phenomenon, and the first studies about television content were published (Head, 1954; Smythe, 1954; cited in Well and Ernest, 1997 p. 262). Moreover, the first congressional hearings about television, focusing particularly on television violence, were convened in 1954. Research on television content and its effects was particularly stimulated by the forces that affected the United States during the late 1960s, notably national turmoil, civil rights and the women’s movement. Two national commissions were appointed to uncover the dynamics of these Forces on society. In essence, the agendas of these commissions set the stage for early and ongoing research on media images. The national turmoil that rocked the country after the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy stimulated concern about violence in society and in the media. The National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence (NCCPV) was appointed to examine violence in society, including violence on television, and commissioned one study to ascertain the amount of violence on television (Gerbner, 1969; cited in Preiss, 2007 p. 162). Continued national unrest, as well as concerns about television’s impact on Americans, further encouraged researchers to pursue this line of study. Financial assistance was also provided by increased government funding for research about television violence inn 1969, even before the report of the NCCPV released. Congress appropriated 1$ million and set up the Surgeon General’s Scientific Advisory Committee on Television and Social Behavior and this committee funded 23 projects, dealing primarily with violence on television and its effects (Gerbner, 1972; Surgeon Generals Scientific Advising Committee, 1972; cited in Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 232). Although interest in television violence faded somewhat during the 1960s, congressional concern about media violence again increased during the 1990, culminating in the development of ratings for television programs and the V-chip technology. Concern with civil rights, during the late 1960s and early 1970s, contributed to the proliferation of studies on minority images. The Kerner Commission, appointed by President Johnson to investigate racial disturbances in many US. cities, charged this these disturbances could be traced, in part, to the U. S (Preiss, 2007 p. 158). There have been few investigations into the effects of print media violence. The most extensive investigation, 1w the Canadian Royal Commission on Violence in the Communications Industry† in 1977, reported details of the amount of violence in print media but made no contributions to our understanding of what violence-causing effects may stem from reading violent material (Royal Commission, 1977; cited in Preiss, 2007 p. 156). Most likely for reason’ previously discussed—less intensity and less of it—violence in books, newspapers and magazines has been of less concern to citizens. An exception was violence in comic books, which became a political issue in the United States in 1954. At the time, comic books were read avidly by many young boys. Today, they read comic books less and spend more time with television. Despite their name, comic books were largely not funny at all; they were violent and tended to emphasize the violent heroism of characters with whom the children could identify. However, many comic books glorified criminals and their brutality. Congressional hearings were held which, in turn, resulted in the comic hook industry adopting self-censorship of violence in a successful effort to head off passage of laws, which would have imposed government restrictions. The evidence that comic books actually did bring young readers to using violence and committing crimes was drawn from the collective experience of law enforcement officers and psychiatric workers (Berkowitz, 1973; cited in (Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 233). In one such instance, teen-age boys in Boston doused with gasoline and set on fire a down-and-out, liquor-dazed man they found. There was no apparent motive other than to try out what they had seen on a television program (Singer and Singer, 2001 p. 370). Another example is the batch of imitative suicides that have occurred following television and theater showings of the movie The Deer Hunter, in which a scene occurs showing a man with a pistol playing—and losing—a game of Russian Roulette (Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 232). According to Huesmann and Taylor (2006), media violence poses an eventual threat to the public social equilibrium significantly through the influence of violence and aggression. According to their study, fictional television and film violence contribute to both a short-term and a long-term increase in aggression and violence in young viewers. According to the research conducted by Browne and Hamilton-Giachritsis (2005), there has been frequent evidence that suggest the linkage of child violent behavioral acts, and the incidence and frequency of violent media exposure. Such media forms induce arousal, thought influence, and emotional deviations, which consequently increases the likelihood of aggression and fearful behavioral patterns, most especially in males (Preiss, 2007 p. 162). The presence of prosocial effects is undeniable. Very few people who enjoy television and movies containing violence feel that they are endangered by it, and appear most willing to take any risks. However, it would be incorrect to conclude that violence needs to be present in entertainment in order to be of interest to people. The television and film industry has merely used violent action as a reliable and inexpensive means of attracting a certain level of viewer interest in otherwise very repetitive stories (Singer and Singer, 2001 p. 368). Thus, â€Å"action† and production values† (which is to say, violent action), is regularly added to scripts to make them more attractive. Nevertheless, research on college students indicates that violence, itself, is not what they are interested in so much as in the quality of action and story associated with the violence (Preiss, 2007 p. 161). Unfortunately, media executives find it difficult to accommodate such interests. The high quality of writing needed to create stories, which can stand on their own without the addition of violence is very costly. There are only a limited number of writers, whose skill is great enough to provide consistently attractive nonviolent stories. Station and network program decision makers generally take what they consider to be the safe path of â€Å"plenty of action and production values† in order to assure that their programs will attract the teen-age and young adult audience members greatly desired by advertisers of consumer products (Wells and Ernest, 1997 p. 233). Berkowitz and his co-researchers have also established that the violence present in abundance in films such as Straw Dogs and Walking Tail especially influences viewers to act violently, for the film violence is presented as the solution to outrages perpetrated by others. Revenge and justification are extremely potent factors in determining whether violence will occur. If an aroused person who has freedom of action then encounters violence on a television screen, the violence may act as a potent cue to draw forth her own violence, to the degree that what is shown on screen resembles and pulls into memory previous occasions on which she used violence (U. S. Senate Committee on Commerce, 1972; cited in Singer and Singer, 2001 p. 368). Tannenbaum and Zillmann (1975; cited in Singer and Singer, 2001 p. 367) demonstrated how arousal may be reshaped, in a very dramatic way. After arousing college males by showing them very sexy pictures, they found that whether the men subsequently tried to accomplish sexual or violent behavior depended on the cues that were presented to them. In other words, a person may be aroused by something sexual, watch a murder on television, and become violent instead of erotic (Singer and Singer, 2001 p. 367). Thus, there is a potential link between sex and subsequent violence that may be activated by television and film violence cues. Findings After calculating the means and standard deviations of the results from KID-SAVE, ATVC and CEQ obtained form the samples, a series of t-tests was applied to scrutinize the gender variations on the Frequency and Impact Total scales of the KID-SAVE, the ATVC Total, and the CEQ Total. Such analysis revealed gender differences on the KID-SAVE Frequency Total scale, t(148) = 2. 71, p0. 01. Boys were reported to be in a higher stakes of violent behaviors, although no significant gender variations were found on the KID-SAVE Impact Total scale. On the other hand, the analysis on boys and girls’ ATVC and CEQ Total scales, t (148) = 2. 62, p0. 05, and t(148) = -3. 72, p0. 01, revealed significant differences; gender differences from these two tests indicate that boys have higher tendencies for violent behaviors, while girls have higher behavioral tendencies for empathy. Indices of multicollinearity were examined and no problems were identified. After which, regression analyses were initiated to determine the probabilities of real-life violence from the data of Total Frequency and Total Impact scales of the KIDSAVE, exposure to the four indicators of media violence (video game, television, movies, and Internet) and the total CEQ score. From the results of obtained, it revealed that individual variations increase the probabilities of negative impact from violent video games. Considering the latter conclusion, 17 girls playing violent games are reported to demonstrate frequent negative behavior. From the said respondents, the manifestation of negative behavior maybe more prominent due to norm violation present (Funk Buchman, 1996a). Considering other media forms presented to the respondents, the results show that movie violence is the most prominent influence. On the other hand, the manifestations of negative behavior have been linked to the increased time commitment and content of movie being watched (Anderson, Huston, Schmitt, Linebarger, Wright, 2001). Time reported may have influenced the failure to find a relationship between television violence exposure and the study variables. Considering the presented categories and gender differences, boys have been reported to devote 5. 6 hours of viewing per week, while girls reported 2. 8 hours weekly. Conclusion In the conclusion of the study, violent behaviors and utilization of mass media showing violent scenes possess a link that induces violent behavioral patterns among viewers. In terms of gender variations, males have been noted to demonstrate violent acts as compared to females. Moreover, males have noted to demonstrate increase time commitment to preferred violent movies, which are also the most preferred media forms, than with females. On the other hand, females are noted to be more emphatic as compared to males. Generally, the research has provided significant relationship between violence and mass media. References Anderson, D. R. , Huston, A. C. , Schmitt, K. L. , Linebarger, D. L. , Wright, J. C. (2001). Early childhood television viewing and adolescentbehavior. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 66 (1, Serial No. 264). Browne , P. D. , Hamilton-Giachritsis , C. (2005, February 19). The influence of violent media on children and adolescents: a public-health approach. The Lancet, 365, 702-710. Funk, J. B. (2004, January). Violence exposure in real-life, video games, television, movies, and the internet: is there desensitization?. Journal of Adolescence, 27, 23–39.

Mill Compared To Plato, Locke, Marx And Machiavelli

Mill Compared To Plato, Locke, Marx And Machiavelli In this paper, I will argue that John Stuart Mills theories are the most reasonable compared to Plato, Marx, Locke, and Machiavelli. Moreover, Mills theories allow mankind to exercise individual rights to a greater extent than the theories of the other mentioned philosophers. More than those of Plato, Marx, Locke, or Machiavelli, John Stuart Mills theories are compelling because they are the most logically sensible and provide for the welfare of the people. As mentioned, my standard for judging these theories is the extent to which they make logical sense and promote the welfare of the people. A good political system promotes the welfare of the people, so it follows that a political theory would also support this same goal. As far as making logical sense is concerned, a political theory that is logically constructed with sound reasoning is more likely than not to be well thought, feasible, and true. I will start with explaining why I do not find the other theorists compelling, and end with explaining why I find Mill the most compelling in the bounds of the criteria just explained. The philosophies of Marx and of Plato are inherently idealistic, which in itself does not necessarily discredit the theories. Idealistic visions of the most perfect type of government are helpful in testing the efficacy of a political theory in the theoretical realm. Moreover, political philosophies are not created with direct implementation in mind. It is wrong to expect a political theory to be intended for direct application in politics. A discourse on political theory is intentionally distinct from a law or a constitution. It is wrong to confuse a law or constitution, which is intended for immediate implementation in politics, with a political theory, which is intended usually to influence opinion and real political policies. Although I have offered this argument that suggests the theories of Plato and Marx are not to be judged by their implementation, it is worthwhile to note that their implementation would depend on an evolved type of human nature, one that would recognize ones place in society and the benefit to society of fulfilling ones duty. This evolved human nature simply does not exist even today, much less to mention during the time of Plato. Plato maintains that democracy is one of the lowest forms of government, and that it can decay into despotism is fairly clear (Plato 288). Plato thinks the best government is aristocracy (Plato 267). Part of my criteria for judging these theories is how well it provides for the welfare of the people. Granted, Plato has a somewhat valid argument that a great amount of freedom in a democracy may lead to undisciplined behavior. But an aristocracy is much less likely to have the welfare of the people in mind than a democracy. While democracy is not perfect, it by nature follows the will of the greatest number of people. Assuming that the majority of people act in their own best interest, then at least the majority is ensured its own welfare. With an aristocracy, there is no such insurance of general welfare. The only thing that is certain is that the aristocrats will rule, presumably according to their own interests. Additionally, Plato is willing to censor artistic materials. This assum es infallibility in the republics ability to discern whether works are beneficial to the state. I will discuss later in this paper about this concept, in reference to Mill. Most of the autocratic elements of Platos philosophy depend on a fundamental assumption that the governments judgments are infallible, which is logically incorrect. Marx maintains that everything in society is based on economics and production. This also forms the theoretical basis for many of his other theories. But this is a generalization that has many exceptions. The religious and charitable elements of society are not driven by capitalist economy; they are based on unrelated concepts of giving and kindness. Granted, religious houses and charitable institutions are fueled by monetary donations, but the fact that people are willing to relinquish their capitalist earnings for which they have toiled demonstrates even further the existence of a charitable or non-selfish motive. Additionally, as briefly mentioned earlier, both Plato and Marx have twisted views of human nature that dont correlate with reality to the extent that Mill does. Platos theories depend on the idea that people will somehow fall into their duty in society, and if they dare overstep their bounds, they are committing an injustice. Marxs theories depend on the assumption that people will not be disheartened by the prospect of never owning property. Mill formulated his theories with a view of human nature that seems more accurate. Mill believed that humans were individuals and respected the inherent individual nature of man. In his discussion on the fallacy of custom, he noted that man is not a machine to be built after a model, and set to do exactly the work prescribed for it, but a tree, which requires to grow and develop itself on all sides according to the tendency of the inward forces which make it a living thing (Mill 114). This is most in contrast to Plato and Marx, whose theories r est on the assumption that people will fall into their positions in life without following any inward forces that may motivate them to want more. Mill said that impulses are equally a part of human nature as are restraints (115). This is a true statement of human nature; one cannot ignore the existence of human impulses and emphasize restraints. Lockes ideas are not very realistic. There are issues with Lockes theory of property, namely the labor theory of property, and there are issues with Lockes natural rights theory. With the labor theory of property, which states that man makes something his property only when he has used his labor to take it out of nature (Locke 11), there is an issue that arises from the fact that the majority of the labor today uses machinery, factories, and various means of production. Someone must own these means of production. Lockes labor theory of property does not account for ownership of the means of production. Locke championed the theory of natural rights, rights endowed by God that are inalienable. The whole concept of natural rights is, as Jeremy Bentham said, rhetorical nonsense (Anarchical Fallacies). Natural rights never truly existed in the first place. Natural rights are imaginary, so it is impossible for an imaginary object to be taken away. The notion of natural rights may be useful to society, but the apparent usefulness of an idea is never enough reason to overlook the truth value of the idea. A political theory based on these unrealistic concepts are difficult to take seriously in political situations that affect many people. Machiavellis Prince was meant for distribution to those in positions of power. Accordingly, it deals exclusively with the interests of a single powerful person. Whereas the theories of Marx, Plato, Aristotle, Locke, and Mill dealt with the welfare of all society, Machiavellis ideas have but one persons welfare in mind. Granted, Machiavelli did advocate the prince to care for the welfare of the people, but Machiavelli makes it clear that this is a self-interested tactic aimed at perpetuating the Princes leadership. Caring for the welfare of the people in The Prince is about avoiding hatred of the Prince and maintaining good relations with the people (Machiavelli 64). Indeed, The Prince seems to be an accurate and probably very useful handbook for the autocrat. Benito Mussolini praised The Prince as the statesmans supreme guide (Arditti). Although The Prince supports the welfare of the people, it only supports the welfare of the citizens as an auxiliary tactic for keeping the prince in power. The welfare of the people is not a primary objective of the prince. Therefore, as a mere tactic, the emphasis on the welfare of the people may be easily disposed of and replaced with another tactic. An ideal system of government would revolve around the welfare of the people as a matter of necessity. The first part of my criteria for judging these theories is how much logical sense it makes. In this section, I will look at how John Stuart Mills theories make sense logically. Mills comments about the flaws of democracy and republics are logical. A paradox of republics is that although they are often commonly referred to as exercises in self-government or government by the people for the people, the government does not always reflect the wishes of all the people. There are a few reasons for this that Mill wisely points out. Firstly, what seems to be the will of the majority is truly the will of only the most active part of society (Mill 66). These people are simply those who succeed in making themselves accepted as a majority (66). What is perceived as the majority, particularly concerning certain ideas about which people feel strongly, is often a false majority. Secondly, in a republic, those who exercise the power are not those over whom the power is exercised (65). Looking at the workings of a republic, this point becomes obvious as we see the political class making decisions that affect the rest of the public, without necessarily requiring the permissi on of those their decisions affect. Moreover, a democratic republic may give rise to a new kind of tyranny, which is what it was adopted to avoid. Democracies are apt to give way to a tyranny of the majority, a term coined by Alexis de Tocqueville and repeated by Mill. This special kind of tyranny is practiced not by an authority acting independently, but by society itself. Although less threatening in terms of penalties than a dictatorial tyranny, the tyranny of the majority is more dangerous because it is the more difficult to escape. In this case, the party imposing tyranny does not live in a castle far away, but rather is your neighbors. Toppling this kind of tyranny would be more complex than assassinating a single dictator. Mills harm principle as the basis for society taking action over the individual makes logical sense. We can start with a brief explanation of the harm principle. Society has jurisdiction over individual conduct only in so far as it affects the welfare of others. Accordingly, society can legitimately punish offenders after the fact, or place necessary restrictions on individual freedom as a preventative measure. But this does not apply to circumstances when a persons conduct affects the interests of no persons besides himself, or needs not affect them unless they like (130). This is the essence of the harm principle. The harm principle generally relates to the justice system, a governments institution for punishing people. The purpose of a criminal justice system is to prevent or at least minimize damage done to society. Damage done to an individual by the same individual, self-harm, is not within the scope of duty for a justice system; harm inflicted upon oneself is, under most pract ical circumstances, not harm inflicted upon society. Punishing the activities one does to oneself would require a separate institution from the justice system, and adding such a duty to the responsibility of a justice system would be a perversion of the justice system. In order for a governments justice system to accomplish its goal of regulating harm upon society, it almost by definition has to follow the harm principle. Issues regarding the harm principle necessarily arise when one thinks about how it may be applied. Mills answers to these issues are logical and consistent with his original theory. One issue is that there are some bad social institutions that necessarily involve harm being done to some party, such as in a contest, an overcrowded profession, or a competitive examination (Mill 148). Mill says the suffering these social institutions bring is unavoidable. When, however, the competition is won by cheating or force, is the only circumstance that allows for society to interfere (148). This view on necessary harm makes logical sense; there are no ways to mitigate the suffering of the loser without diminishing the prospect of reward in competition which brought the loser into the game in the first place, only ways to keep the competition fair. Mill has an answer to another issue that concerns the harm principle as it relates to restraint on trade of certain commodities. This also relates to that which is only potentially harmful to society, namely how far liberty may legitimately be invaded for the prevention of crime, or of accident (149). Although it is likely for the government to abuse their preventative role, it is a necessary one. It is within the governments power to regulate, but not ban, the sale of poison. It is also within the governments power to prevent accidents, such as by enforcing fire precautions. Mill notes that the governments preventative measures against accidents do not infringe upon liberty. Liberty is the right to do what one pleases, and falling upon an accident most unlikely to be something one would wish to do (149). In regard to goods or services which can cause harm or evil, such as prostitution, gambling, or alcohol, Mill believes that the end users should not be punished, but instead the sellers, or those who profit from the activity perceived as evil. The profiteer has a vested interest in people committing this evil. Unlike the user, w ho is only harming himself, the profiteer might as well be instigating the harm upon others, making the actions of the profiteer under the jurisdiction of society. Mill is also in favor of sin taxes, because they limit the availability of an evil product to the very few without enacting full-fledged prohibition (153). In describing various applications of his harm principle, he brings the theoretical harm principle to life and clarifies common questions. They also logically follow from his original theory, so they make logical sense. It is never appropriate to assume infallibility. This is a theory of Mill that is well founded and rational. Here is the line of logic that rationalizes the notion that we must always assume fallibility. Few will deny that they are immune to mistakes, that their judgment is absolutely impeccable (Mill 78). If one is liable to make an error in judgment, then it is reasonable to say that all of their judgments are equally liable to this possibility for error; that is, every opinion held to be true has a probability, however small, to be false. Consequently, it is never correct to maintain an opinion or an idea to be absolutely true with no possibility for it to be false. To say that ones opinion can be absolutely true is to say that ones judgment is absolutely infallible. So this leads us to the conclusion that we can never be absolutely sure that an apparently false idea is indeed false. Besides, as a further proof of the subjectivity of opinions, people in different geographic region s of the world hold starkly different views on the same matters. It is the same accident which makes one a Churchman in London [that] would have made him a Buddhist or a Confucian in Peking (78). Thus we have the sound basis for assuming infallibility. Following from the notion of assuming fallibility, it is equally wrong to assume a particular way of life as wrong. In so far as it does not affect others, the right to individuality of action is just as important as the right to individuality of thought. People should be permitted to try various modes of life and various experiments of living (Mill 112). Diversity, in contrast to homogenous adherence to custom, is good for society. Diversity is especially beneficial because mankind is imperfect and incapable of fully realizing all sides of the truth (112). In the absence of a superhuman ability to recognize truth, it is necessary for there to be a broad pool of choices in ways to conduct ones life, gathered through experimentation. For there to be such a pool of choices, needless to say, there must be liberty of action. The second part of my criteria for judging these theories is the extent to which it promotes the welfare of the people. In this section, I will show that Mills theories are more likely to lead to a high level of human welfare. Mills harm principle is the antidote to tyranny. If government is permitted to interfere with individual rights only in cases where harm to others is involved, then under such a doctrine, it would be hard for a would-be tyrant to justify infringing upon the rights of the citizens. Assuming that the harm principle is enforced in its truest form, all incidents of government interference would be justified. So Mills harm principle naturally gives way to individual rights. Individual rights is inextricably tied to well-being of the citizens, because individual rights allows people the freedom to carry out the activities associated with happiness. Consequently, the harm principle leads to the welfare of the people, making it a very beneficial political theory. Moreover, the harm principle directly benefits the welfare of people by preventing people from being harmed by a persons actions. This is a benefit of Mills harm principle, although it is not exclusive to Mill since punishment of offenders was a practice long before Mill wrote down this theory. To be precise, the harm principle was intended to place limits on the punishment system already in place. Nevertheless, the harm principle sets a rather specific and appropriate standard for the use of punishment-for the purpose of preventing damage and thus promoting the welfare of general society. Mills theory that infallibility should never be assumed is conducive to liberty. It allows for liberty of thought, liberty of discussion, and all other liberties which follow from these two. When a government never assumes infallibility in opinions, then it will permit free discussion of all topics, even of its policies. A society that understands the fallibility of its opinions would tolerate opinions to the contrary of the established opinions. In this ideal state, the government and society at large would necessarily grant equal rights to all opinions in terms of their permission to be voiced. If all mankind minus one were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind (Mill 77). So a consequence of assuming infallibility is to never stifle an opinion, however false it may appear. Since one may never truly be confident about the t ruth value of an opinion, the truth or falsity of that opinion is equally likely. Every opinion has a likelihood of being either true or false, so no opinion is exempt. If one stifles a true opinion, then the damage is obvious: one loses an opportunity for truth (Mill 77). If one stifles a false opinion, then one loses something just as important: the opportunity to illuminate the truth by its contrast with error (Mill 77). Thus an adherence to the constant assumption of infallibility would insure liberties to free thought and discussion. A great part of the welfare of a people is securing their liberties to free expression, so this theory is beneficial to the welfare of the people. All of Mills arguments are further strengthened by his apparent rigorous evaluation of his arguments. Fitting with his philosophy which discusses this point itself, Mill carefully examines all sides of his statements and arguments. He even makes strong arguments for the opposing side that are nearly as convincing as his own side of the argument. The discipline with which he examines his arguments makes them seem highly likely to be true. Almost all, if not all, of the major points that Mill makes in On Liberty are preceded or followed by a counter argument. Neither Plato, Locke, Machiavelli, or Marx use this extent of rigorous detail in their arguments. Mill also explains various aspects of his arguments at great length, although he isnt the only theorist among this group to do so. In conclusion, Mills theories are the most compelling compared to those of Plato, Locke, Marx, and Machiavelli. Mills theories make logical sense and provide for the welfare and individual liberty of the people. The theories of Plato, Marx, Locke, and Machiavelli either do not make logical sense or do not provide adequately for the welfare of the people. Thus the theories of Mill prevail as the most compelling according to this criteria for judging the theories.

Creatine in Athletes Essay -- Biology Essays Research Papers

Creatine in Athletes As more and more people are playing professional, collegiate and high school sports each year (Debate), the competition for playing time has become more heated. Most male athletes in any sports these days are looking for any sort of edge that they can get over the people who are fighting for the same spot they are. These battles for playing time become so heated that these kids are willing to try just about anything to win. Most kids are not willing to try anything illegal like steroids, but something very similar to steroids is a supplement called creatine. Creatine is now the most widely used supplement in athletics today (Debate). The sport that creatine is most commonly used in at any level is football. The reason for this is because creatine is most effective when the muscles are used for a short 6 seconds, then a long 45 second rest. The time period of using muscles for 6 seconds and then resting for 45 seconds is closely related to a football game where the players run a play, then get to rest until the next play is called. At the professional level of football, most teams are allowed to take creatine, but some teams are have banned the use of it because no one know the long term effects yet (Actions and Effects). Creatine has become so widely used because of its endorsers. Shannon Sharpe, who played for the Denver Broncos and the Baltimore Ravens, is paid advertiser and endorser. Sharpe claims that creatine has played a big part in his success no matter what anyone else says. "I don't care if you get five PhD's, I don't care if you get seven strength and conditioning coaches to tell me otherwise," Sharpe told ESPN. "I believe it works for me." Shannon Sharpe is not the only football playe... ...re battling for playing time in sports, the more desperate the athletics will get to win that spot. When athletes get desperate, they are willing to try anything that might help their chances of playing (Debate). Works Cited â€Å"Actions and Effects of Creatine.† 2003. CourseworkBank.co.uk. 5 October 2004. <http://www.courseworkbank.co.uk/coursework/actions_effects_creatine_2931/>. â€Å"Creatine Supplements.† 2002. Your Orthopedic Connection. 6 October 2004. <http://orthoinfo.aaos.org/fact/thr_report.cfm?Thread_ID=325&topcategory=Spor ts%20%2F%20Exercise>. â€Å"Debate Surrounds Use of Muscle Supplement Creatine.† 2004. Web MD Health. 4 October 2004. <http://my.webmd.com/content/article/17/1676_50201.htm>. Martinez, Mark. â€Å"Creatine a Bigger Body.† 2004. The College Student Site.Com. 5 October 2004. <http://articles.student.com/article/creatine>.

The Truth About The Big Two He Essay -- essays research papers

While reading Ernest Hemingway's short story 'Big Two Hearted River,'; one might think that it is just about a man named Nick Adams returning to Seney, to go camping and fishing. It may not be clear to some readers why the town of Seney is burned down or why Hemingway talks about each of Nick's action in great amount of detail. While first reading the story one might not notice that Hemingway has many symbolic parts, so that he can get the true meaning of the story across to the reader. The story is truly about Nick Adams wanting to get on with his life enjoying to its fullest and putting all of the awful events that have happened to him in the past. When Nick arrives at the town of Seney, he sees that the town is completely burned to the ground. When Nick was on the bridge he looked down at the water and saw trout in the water going against the current. Nick realized that the trout were changing their positions only to steady themselves once again: Nick looked down into the clear, brown water, colored from the pebbly bottom, and watched the trout keeping themselves steady in the current with wavering fins. As he watched them they changed their positions by quick angles, only to hold steady in the fast water again (472). Hemingway is trying to show that the trout are better then Nick, since they are not bothered by emotions or their surroundings. Nick is, he is bothered by the war, which created internal emotions that he is trying to resolve. Hemingway used the trout in t...

Paradise Lost and The Blazing World: Knowledge of Knowledge that is Bes

Paradise Lost and The Blazing World: Knowledge of Knowledge that is Best Left Unknown John Milton set out to write Paradise Lost in order to â€Å"justify the ways of God to men† (1.26). To achieve this grand goal, Milton relies on his reader’s capability to discover a degree of personal revelation within the text. Many scholars have noted Milton’s reliance on personal discovery throughout Paradise Lost; Stanley Eugene Fish points out that discovery operates in Paradise Lost in a way that â€Å"is analogous to that of the Mosaic Law† because it invokes a level of interaction with the reader that is able to â€Å"bring us to the righteousness of Christ† (526-7). This idea of discovery differs from genre because the reader’s personal experiences within the text frame the guiding principles for the reader’s self-education. In The Blazing Word, Margaret Cavendish utilizes discovery as a means to instruct her reader in a way that closely resembles that used by Milton in Paradise Lost. In addition, Cavendish makes use of one of its main themes: â€Å"Be lowly wise† (Milton 8.173). Although the idea that Cavendish and Milton would both emphasize personal discovery in their texts may not be all that earth-shattering, it seems rather implausible that Margaret Cavendish, a woman who was a â€Å"stanch opponent to Puritan values,† (Ankers 306) as well as an devoted royalist, could have possessed a conception of the nature of knowledge that was virtually indistinguishable from the one held by John Milton, a devout Puritan and Cromwell supporter. Furthermore, our current conceptions of these two writers—Margaret Cavendish as a pioneering feminist writer and John Milton as a conservative Christian icon—seem to further undermine any notion that these two autho... ...ary Criticism 9.1,2 (2000): 301-15. Cavendish, Margaret. The Blazing World. The Blazing World & Other Writings. Ed. Kate Lilley. London: Penguin, 1994. 117-202. Fish, Stanely Eugene. â€Å"Discovery as Form in Paradise Lost.† Paradise Lost: An Authoritative Text Backgrounds and SourcesCriticism. 2nd ed. Ed. Scott Elledge. New York: Nortan, 1993. 526-36. Lilley, Kate. â€Å"Introduction†. The Blazing World & Other Writings.Ed. Kate Lilley. London: Penguin, 1994. ix-xxxii. Milton, John. Paradise Lost. Paradise Lost: An Authoritative Text Backgrounds and Sources Criticism. 2nd ed. Ed. Scott Elledge. New York: Nortan, 1993. 1-304. Wood, Caroline Tanya. â€Å"The Fall and Rise of Absoluteism: Margaret Cavendish’s Manipulation of Masque Conventions in ‘The Claspe: Fantasmes Masque’and The Blazing World.† In-Between: Essays & Studies in Literary Criticism 9.1,2 (2000): 287-99.

Iroquois Clan – Essay

Iroquois Clan ANT 101 December 5, 2011 There are many different cultures, each having their own values, and rules. The Iroquois are an association of several tribes, of indigenous people of North America. The Iroquois have many different ways about their way of living such as rules involving marriage. What contributes to the way an Iroquois react and think? Is it kinship, religion, and beliefs, or is it something else? The Iroquois have a very well-known culture. Iroquois are indigenous tribes across North America. The Iroquois lived in longhouse, which are structures made to house the whole family in different sections (Nowak & Laird, 2010). Matrilocal, or post marital residency, was when the husband moved to live with the wife’s community (Nowak & Laird, 2010). In the Iroquois the eldest woman in her matrilineage had the most influence in decision making, and distributing the resources and property (Nowak & Laird, 2010). Iroquois selection of marital partners are chosen by kinship because, Iroquois marriage must be exogamous, meaning marring outside their lineage and clan (Nowak & Laird, 2010). Iroquois kinship program only recognizes two groups: The first is parents and siblings, which are too closely related to marry. The second group is potential spouses and in-laws (Nowak & Laird, 2010). In the Iroquois it is considered wrong to marry parallel cousins because they are too closely related. On the other hand cross cousin marriage is accepted and encouraged (Nowak & Laird, 2010). The Handsome lake religion combined traditional Haudenosaunee religious beliefs with a revised code meant to bring consciousness to the Haudenosaunee, or Iroquois, after a long period of cultural disintegration ollowing colonization. The Iroquois people believed that spirits changed the seasons. Key festivals coincided with the major events of the agricultural calendar, including a harvest festival of thanksgiving. After the arrival of the Europeans, many Iroquois became Christians. The Code of handsome lake outlawed drunkenness, witchcraft, sexual promiscuity, wife beating, quarreling, abortion, gay marriage, single parents and gambling. The Iroquois men were propositional on a balanced reciprocity. Iroquois could only trade with other tribes in the Iroquois confederacy. Items traded included surplus corn and tobacco, fur pelts, and wampum. Later, Iroquois received implements including guns and metal axes from the British, which made their work easier (Nowak & Laird, 2010). Their culture is matriarchal- they trace lines through Clan Mothers. This is in direct contrast to European society, especially at time of contact. Europeans were paternalistic- the fathers line. This would cause different reactions from other kinships. The Iroquois people have a lot of the same values, beliefs, and rules, as many Americans living in the current century. In my culture, it is not acceptable to marry close relatives including first cousins. The handsome lake religion is very much similar to the Christian religion. Kinship impacts almost each and every one of these behaviors. Iroquois have a very understandable and compatible way of living. But what makes them think and act the way that they do? I would have to say that the religion is a main point in the actions and reactions of the Iroquois. The other major point would be the matriarchal tracing of the clans. Nowak, B. & Laird, P. (2010) Cultural Anthropology. San Diego, CA Bridgepoint Education Inc. Retrieved from: https://content. ashford. edu/books/AUANT101. 10. 2/sections/copyright Your paper is well developed and follows the APA guidelines correctly. Your paper is well written with an effective analysis. You have addressed the topic and assignment. Your grammar is correct with well-constructed sentences. Your conclusion could be improved. Good job! You received 9/10 points for this assignment.

U.S. Army 8 Person Funeral Detail

8 SOLDIER FUNERAL DETAIL COMPOSITION OF DETAIL C-12. The 8 man funeral detail normally consists of an OIC or NCOIC (depending on the rank of the deceased veteran), an NCOIC of the firing party, a five or six soldier firing party (who also act as pallbearers) and a bugler, if available. For this description there is an OIC of the funeral detail and an NCOIC of the firing party/pallbearers. DETAIL, WEAPONS ARE IN PLACE C-13. Weapons are pre-stacked in an appropriate position, in plain view, and a good distance from the gravesite. The firing party, acting as pallbearers, is pre-positioned along the roadside; awaiting the arrival of the hearse.The OIC is located where the hearse will stop. RECEIVING THE CASKET C-14. As the hearse approaches, the NCOIC orders the detail to â€Å"ATTENTION† and â€Å"Present, ARMS. † Once the hearse has passed the detail, the NCOIC calls the detail to â€Å"Order, ARMS† and â€Å"Parade, REST. † The OIC comes to attention and pr esent arms as the hearse approaches his position. The OIC terminates his salute when the hearse comes to a halt. C-15. After the vehicle has come to a halt, the driver gets out and opens the rear door. The driver prepares the casket for movement to the gravesite by removing the stock.The driver pulls the casket to the rear of the hearse. The OIC, with a nod of his head, signals the NCOIC to move the pallbearers to the end of the hearse, three on each side, to remove the casket. The NCOIC marches the pallbearers into place, then orders â€Å"Mark time, MARCH;† â€Å"Detail, HALT† and â€Å"Center, FACE. † After the pallbearers are facing inward, the individuals closest to the casket will grasp the handrails and pull the casket from the hearse. Each pallbearer, in turn, grasps a casket handle as it reaches him. The OIC will render a hand salute while the casket is being removed. Moving the Casket C-16.On the NCOIC's command of â€Å"Ready, FACE,† the pallbe arers will execute the appropriate facing movements so that they are all facing the feet of the casket. The NCOIC orders the detail to â€Å"Forward, MARCH. † Led by the OIC, the pallbearers incline to the proper direction to move to the gravesite, ensuring the casket is level and feet first. Once the casket is over the gravesite, the NCOIC commands â€Å"Mark Time, MARCH,† and â€Å"Detail, HALT. † Once at the head of the gravesite, the OIC will come to render a hand salute until the casket is placed on the lowering device. To maintain uniformity the pallbearer NCOIC will command â€Å"Center, FACE. When pallbearers are facing center, the casket is set on the lowering device. After the casket is set down, the pallbearers come to attention and the OIC will drop his hand salute. MOVING TO THE WEAPONS C-17. On the command â€Å"Ready, FACE,† by the pallbearer NCOIC, the pallbearers all face toward the head of the casket. The next command is â€Å"Forward, MARCH. † The pallbearers move from the gravesite to the location of the weapons. Just prior to reaching the stacked arms, the firing party NCOIC, and formerly the pallbearer NCOIC, gives â€Å"Mark Time, MARCH† and â€Å"Detail, HALT. The firing party NCOIC assumes their position and gives a â€Å"File from the Left, Forward, MARCH. † On the command â€Å"March† the firing party performs the proper movements to form a single file to the rear of the weapons. When the firing party are to the rear of the stacked arms, the NCOIC gives â€Å"Mark Time, MARCH† and â€Å"Detail HALT,† and the appropriate facing movement to face the rifles. Retrieving the Weapons and Conclusion of Religious Services C-18. The next command given is â€Å"Take, ARMS. † On the command of execution, the stack man secures the first two weapons. The left and right soldiers receive the weapons from the stack man.The left and right soldiers then pass the weapons to the outside soldiers. The stack man grasps his center weapon. The left and right soldiers step toward the stack and remove their weapons, returning to the position of Attention. Once the left and right soldiers retrieve their weapons, the stack man secures his weapon and comes to the position of Attention. Once all of the firing party is at Order Arms, the firing party NCOIC gives them â€Å"Parade, REST. † The firing party will remain at Parade Rest until the end of the religious services. Once the religious services are over, the Chaplain steps away from the casket.The OIC steps to the head of the casket and renders a hand salute. This is the signal for the firing party NCOIC to command the firing party â€Å"ATTENTION. † Firing of Honors C-19. After bringing the firing party to Attention, the NCOIC gives the command of â€Å"Ready. † At the command of Ready, each rifleman executes Port Arms, faces Half Right, and moves his right foot to the right ten inches. Each rifleman then chambers a round, places his weapon on Fire, and resumes Port Arms. When the firing party has completed the movements, the firing party NCOIC gives the command â€Å"Aim. On the command of Aim, the detail shoulders their weapons with the muzzles of the weapons at a 45-degree angle from the horizontal. When the NCOIC commands â€Å"FIRE,† the detail fires and returns to Port Arms. On the subsequent commands of â€Å"Ready,† each rifleman pulls and returns the charging handle of his weapon. After the third round is fired each rifleman resumes Port Arms, and the firing party NCOIC commands â€Å"CEASE FIRE. † Each rifleman places his weapon on Safe, resumes the position of Order Arms, and faces Half Left. The firing party NCOIC then commands â€Å"Present, ARMS† for the playing of â€Å"Taps†.The bugler plays â€Å"Taps. † If a bugler is not available, one soldier is positioned to turn on the high quality recording (and is n ot part of the firing party). STACKING ARMS C-20. After â€Å"Taps†, the NCOIC brings the firing party to â€Å"Order, ARMS,† and then commands â€Å"Stack, ARMS. † On the command of execution, Arms, the stack man grasps the barrel of his rifle and places his rifle directly in front of him. At the same time, the left and right soldiers grasp the barrels of their respective rifles, step toward the center and insert the muzzles through the sling loop of the stack man's weapon.Both soldiers swing the butts of their rifles out and then down to the ground ensuring the stack is steady. The two outside weapons are then passed to the stack man, who adds them to the stack. RETURNING TO GRAVESITE OR SHELTER C-21. After Stack Arms is complete, the NCOIC moves the firing party two steps backward and gives the appropriate facing movement to have the firing party move back to the gravesite. From this position, the NCOIC will form the firing party in two columns by giving the command â€Å"Column of Two to the Right, MARCH. † Once in Column of Two formation, the NCOIC takes the last position, and gives â€Å"Forward, MARCH. The firing party marches to the gravesite along either side of the casket. Once at the gravesite the NCOIC gives â€Å"Mark Time, MARCH,† and â€Å"Detail, HALT. † The NCOIC gives â€Å"Center, FACE,† to ensure that all of the pallbearers are facing the casket. FOLDING THE FLAG C-22. After the pallbearers have faced the casket, they use their peripheral vision to take their cues from the NCOIC. As a unit, the pallbearers reach down and secure the flag. Once flag is secured, the detail folds flag. The flag is first folded with the lower stripe area over the blue field. It is then folded so that the folded edge meets the open edge.The triangular fold is started at the striped end and is continued until only the blue field remains. The flag margin is then tucked in and the flag is ready for presentation. PRES ENTING THE FLAG. C-23. After the flag has been folded, it is passed down to the soldier closest to the right side of the OIC. This soldier executes a Half Left as the OIC executes a Half Right and the flag is then passed to the OIC at, chest level. After the pallbearer has passed the flag, he salutes the flag for three seconds then executes Order Arms. The soldier executes a Half Right as the OIC executes a Half Left and resumes their original position.At this time the pallbearers will leave the gravesite. The NCOIC commands â€Å"Outward, FACE,† (pallbearers face towards the head of the casket) and â€Å"Forward, MARCH. † Once the detail is out of the area, the OIC will present the flag to the next of kin or Chaplain, it next of kin is not available. The OIC recites the following passage: |†Ma'am (sir), this flag is presented on behalf of a grateful nation and the United States Army as a token of appreciation for your loved one's | |honorable and faithful servic e. † |C-24. At the conclusion of the remarks and presentation, the OIC will render a hand salute and hold the salute for three seconds then assumes Order, Arms. OIC then executes marching movement and marches back towards the direction of the pallbearers. CONCLUDING THE CEREMONY C-25. The firing party returns to the location of the stacked arms in the same manner as before. When commanded to â€Å"Take, ARMS,† the party retrieves the rifles in the same manner as before. After retrieving the weapons, the NCOIC marches the detail away from the funeral site to clear and inspect the weapons.The firing party will police all of the brass after the service is over and the next of kin have left the area. The OIC is not required to escort the next of kin back to his/her vehicle. 2 SOLDIER FUNERAL DETAIL RECEIVING THE CASKET C-26. The OIC is located where the hearse will stop. The NCO is to the left of the OIC. As the hearse approaches, the OIC brings himself and the NCO to â₠¬Å"ATTENTION† and â€Å"Present, ARMS. † The OIC gives the command of â€Å"Order, ARMS,† after the hearse has come to a halt. The funeral director is responsible for removing the casket from the hearse and placing it on the lowering device at the gravesite.When the casket is being removed from the hearse, the OIC commands â€Å"Present, ARMS. † Once the casket has cleared the peripheral vision of the OIC, then the OIC commands â€Å"Order, ARMS,† and â€Å"Parade, REST. † CONCLUSION OF RELIGIOUS SERVICES C-27. Once the religious services are over, the Chaplain steps away from the casket. The OIC commands â€Å"ATTENTION. † The OIC commands â€Å"Ready, FACE,† and the OIC and NCO face in the direction of the casket. OIC then commands â€Å"Forward, MARCH,† The OIC marches to the head of the casket, and faces the head of the casket, while the NCO marches to the foot of the casket facing the OIC.If a bugler is not available , the NCO moves to the device that will play the high quality recording of â€Å"Taps. † FOLDING THE FLAG C-28. The OIC gives the command to the NCO to secure flag. Once the flag is secure the bugler will play â€Å"Taps† and both the OIC and NCO execute Present, Arms. When â€Å"Taps† is complete, both the OIC and NCO execute Order, Arms. The OIC gives the command to side step march (just far enough to preclude the flag from touching the casket). Once the OIC and NCO have cleared the casket the OIC nods to begin folding the flag.NOTE: If a bugler is not available, once the casket is on the lowering device, the NCOIC will march to the recording device and wait for the Chaplain to conclude religious services. He will play â€Å"Taps† after the OIC is positioned at the head of the casket. When â€Å"Taps† is complete, the NCOIC will march to the foot of the casket and then assist in folding the flag. C-29. The flag is first folded with the lower stri pe area over the blue field. It is then folded so that the folded edge meets the open edge. The triangular fold is started at the striped end and is continued until only the blue field remains.While folding the flag the NCO moves towards the OIC. The flag margin is then tucked in by the OIC and the NCO presents the flag to the OIC. Once the NCO presents the flag to the OIC, the NCO renders the hand salute and holds the salute for three seconds then executes Order, Arms. The OIC is ready for presenting the flag to the next of kin. PRESENTING THE FLAG C-30. After the flag has been folded and passed to the OIC, the OIC then moves in the direction of the next of kin and presents the flag to the next of kin while the NCO marches away from the gravesite.The OIC will present the flag to the Chaplain if the next of kin is not available. The OIC recites the following passage: |†Ma'am (sir), this flag is presented on behalf of a grateful nation and the United States Army as a token of a ppreciation for your loved one's | |honorable and faithful service. † | C-31. At the conclusion of the passage and the flag presentation, the OIC will render a hand salute and hold the salute for three seconds then assumes Order, Arms.OIC then executes a marching movement and marches away from the gravesite. CONCLUDING THE CEREMONY C-32. The OIC is not required to escort the next of kin back to his/her vehicle. NOTES C-33. The meaning of the word gravesite also includes a committal shelter. The meaning of the word casket also includes a receptacle containing the cremated remains of the deceased. On windy days, the flag should already be anchored to the casket by the funeral director. If the flag is not secured, the detail will fold the flag immediately after placing the casket on the lowering device, then hand the flag to the OIC. d